The ratio of the power of the prince of the boyars vecha. Veche and princely power in Kievan Rus. I. Periods of development of the feudal state
Prince and princely government in Kievan Rus.
The prince in relation to other sovereign princes was an independent sovereign. Inside his volost, the prince was the head of the administration, the highest commander and judge. Princely power was a necessary element in the state power of all Russian lands. However, the state system of the ancient Russian principalities cannot be called monarchical. The state system of the ancient Russian principalities of the X-XII centuries. represents a kind of "unstable balance" between the two elements of state power: monarchical, in the person of the prince, and democratic, in the person of the people's assembly or vecha senior volost cities. The power of the prince was not absolute, it was everywhere limited by the power of the veche. But the power of the veche and its intervention in affairs manifested itself only in cases of emergency, while the power of the prince was a constantly and daily acting governing body.
The duty of the prince was primarily to maintain external security and protect the land from attacks by an external enemy. The prince led foreign policy, was in charge of relations with other princes and states, concluded alliances and treaties, declared war and made peace (however, in those cases when the war required the convocation of the people's militia, the prince had to obtain the consent of the council). The prince was a military organizer and leader; he appointed the head of the people's militia ("thousand") and during the hostilities he commanded both his squad and the people's militia.
The prince was a legislator, administrator and supreme judge. He had to "work the truth in this world." The prince often entrusted the court to his deputies, “posadniks” and “tiuns”, but the people always preferred the personal court of the prince.
The prince was the head of government and appointed all officials. Regional governors appointed by the prince were called "posadniks". The administrative and judicial powers were in the hands of the posadniks. Under the prince and under the posadniks, there were petty officials, some of the free, some of their slaves, for all kinds of judicial and police executive actions - these were “virniki”, “metal workers”, “children”, “youths”. The local free population, urban and rural, made up their own communities, or worlds, had their own elected representatives, elders and “good people” who defended their interests before the princely administration. At the princely court was the management of the vast princely economy - "tiuny courtiers".
The princely income consisted of tribute from the population, fines for crimes and trade duties and income from princely estates.
In their government activities, the princes usually used the advice and help of their senior warriors, "princely husbands." In important cases, especially before the start of military expeditions, the princes gathered the entire squad for advice. The combatants were personally free and connected with the prince only by the bonds of a personal agreement and trust. But the thought with the boyars and warriors was not mandatory for the prince, as well as did not impose any formal obligations on him. There was also no mandatory composition of the princely council. Sometimes the prince consulted with the entire retinue, sometimes only with its highest layer of “princely men”, sometimes with two or three close boyars. Therefore, that “aristocratic element of power”, which some historians see in the Russian princely Duma, was only an advisory and auxiliary body under the prince.
But in this druzhina or boyar duma sat the "old men of the city", that is, the elected military authorities of the city of Kyiv, and perhaps other cities, "thousand" and "sotsky". So the very question of accepting Christianity was decided by the prince on the advice of the boyars and the "old men of the city." These elders, or elders of the city, are hand in hand with the prince, together with the boyars, in matters of administration, as in all court celebrations, forming, as it were, a zemstvo aristocracy next to the princely service. At the prince's feast on the occasion of the consecration of the church in Vasilevo in 996, along with the boyars and posadniks, "the elders from all over the city" were called. In exactly the same way, by order of Vladimir, it was supposed to come to his Sunday feasts in Kyiv boyars, “gridi”, “sotsky”, “ten” and all “deliberate men”. But constituting the military-government class, the princely retinue at the same time still remained at the head of the Russian merchant class, from which it stood out, taking an active part in overseas trade. This Russian merchant class is about half of the 10th century. far from being Slavic Russian.
Organization of military forces in Kievan Rus.
The main components of the armed forces of the principalities in the X-XII centuries. were, firstly, the princely squad, and secondly, the people's militia.
The princely squad was not numerous; even among the senior princes, it was a detachment of 700-800 people. But they were strong, brave, trained professional warriors. The squad was divided into the younger (lower, “young”), which was called “grid” or “gridboi” (Scandinavian grid - yard servant), “lads”, “children”, and the older (higher), which was called princely husbands or boyars. The oldest collective name of the junior squad “grid” was later replaced by the word yard or servants. This retinue, together with its prince, emerged from among the armed merchants of large cities. In the XI century. it still did not differ from this merchant class in sharp features, either political or economic. The squad of the principality was, in fact, a military class.
Initially, the squad was kept and fed at the princely court and, as an additional reward, received its share from the tribute collected from the population and from military booty after a successful campaign. Subsequently, the combatants, especially their upper stratum, the boyars, began to acquire land and acquire a household, and then they went to war with their “lads” - servants.
The princely squad was the strongest core and the main core of the army. In the event of the upcoming extensive military operations, the people's militia, made up of the free urban population, was called to arms, and in cases of emergency, rural residents - "smerds" - were also called up for military service.
Large trading cities were organized in a military way, each integral organized regiment was formed, called a thousand, which was subdivided into hundreds and tens (battalions and companies). A thousand (people's militia) were commanded by the “thousand” who was chosen by the city, and then appointed by the prince, hundreds and tens were also elected “sotsky” and “tenth”. These elected commanders made up the military administration of the city and the region that belonged to it, the military-government foreman, who is called in the annals "the elders of the city." City regiments, more precisely, armed cities took a constant part in the prince's campaigns along with his squad. But the prince could call on the people's militia only with the consent of the veche.
In addition to the princely squad and the people's militia, auxiliary detachments from foreigners took part in the wars. Initially, these were mainly Varangian squads that the Russian princes hired into their service, and from the end of the 11th century they were cavalry detachments of “their filthy” or “black hoods” (torks, berendeys, pechenegs), which the Russian princes settled on the southern outskirts of the Kyiv earth.
Veche.
The news of the chronicles about veche life in Russia is numerous and varied, although we find detailed descriptions of veche meetings very rarely. Of course, in all cases when the population of the city acted independently and independently of the prince, we must assume a preliminary conference or council, that is, a veche.
In the era of tribal life. Before the formation and strengthening of the Grand Duchy of Kyiv, individual tribes, glades, Drevlyans, and others, gather, if necessary, at their tribal meetings and confer with their tribal princes on common affairs. In the X and at the beginning of the XI century. with the strengthening of the central power in the person of the Grand Duke of Kyiv (Vladimir the Holy and Yaroslav the Wise), these tribal gatherings lose their political significance, and from the middle of the 11th century they were replaced by an active and influential veche of the older regional cities.
However, in exceptional cases (especially in the absence of the prince), the urban population shows its activity and initiative in the early period of the Kievan state. For example, in 997 we see a veche in Belgorod besieged by the Pechenegs.
After the death of Yaroslav (in 1054), when the Russian land was divided into several principalities, the veche of the main volost cities acts as the bearer of supreme power in the state. When the prince was strong enough and popular enough, the veche was inactive and left the prince to manage government affairs. On the other hand, emergency cases, such as a change in the throne or the solution of questions of war and peace, caused the imperious intervention of the veche, and the voice of the people's assembly in these matters was decisive.
The power of the veche, its composition and competence were not determined by any legal norms. Veche was an open meeting, a national meeting, and all the free could take part in it. It was only required that the participants should not be under paternal authority (the fathers of the veche decided for the children) or in any private dependence. In fact, the veche was a meeting of the townspeople of the main city; residents of small towns or "suburbs" had the right to attend the veche, but rarely had the actual opportunity to do so. The decision of the veche meeting of the older city was considered binding on the residents of the suburbs and for the entire volost. No law defined or limited the powers of the veche. Veche could discuss and resolve any issue that interested him.
The most important and common subject of the competence of veche meetings was the calling, or acceptance, of princes and the expulsion of princes who were not pleasing to the people. The calling and change of princes were not only political facts, resulting from the real balance of forces, but were generally recognized law population. This right was recognized by the princes themselves and their squads.
The second - extremely important - range of questions to be decided by the veche were questions about war and peace in general, as well as about the continuation or cessation of hostilities. For the war by his own means, with the help of his squad and hunters from the people, the prince did not need the consent of the veche, but for the war by means of the volost, when the convocation of the people's militia was required, the consent of the veche was needed.
Hinny summer 15564. Novgorod land
Novgorod occupies a special place in Russian history. Here, longer than in other lands, veche orders. Novgorod in Russian literature was considered a "stronghold of liberty". Its history is much more connected with international trade than with feudal landownership. However, unlike trade republics of the European Middle Ages, the wealth of Novgorod relied primarily on land ownership and commercial hunting. That is why the real power in Novgorod belonged boyars. Novgorod land, located in the north-west of Russia, is characterized by an abundance of swamps and poor soil. Vast forest areas, a lot of fur-bearing animals. Conditions for farming - unfavorable. Bread had to be bought, most often in North-Eastern Russia. Novgorod is located on the Volkhov River, directly on the way " Varangians to Greeks", which created favorable conditions for the development of trade with Western Europe.
R. Volkhov divided Novgorod into two sides - Sofia and trading. Each consisted of ends. At first there were three, later - five. The ends were independent multi-tribal villages, which later merged into a single city. Scientists believe that they inhabited them Ilmen Slovenes, krivichi, measuring("nareva"). Directly "Novgorod" at first was not called the whole city, but Kremlin, where the secular administration and priesthood common to all villages were located.
Decisive role in Novgorod belonged to the boyars. Novgorod boyars, in contrast to the boyars Vladimir-Suzdal Rus, were by origin not princely vigilantes, and the descendants of the local tribal know. They were a closed aristocratic caste, a certain range of families. It was impossible to become a Novgorod boyar; just be born. The boyars owned extensive possessions in the territories subject to Novgorod. Initially, they collected from the population of the lands tribute in favor of the city treasury, and then took possession of them, turning them into their estates. That., private land ownership in Novgorod, unlike North-Eastern Russia, was not based on princely grants. From the estates, the boyars received not only agricultural products, but also salt and (ch. arr.) what was mined in the forest and sea industries: furs, honey, wax, leather, walrus ivory. Exactly these products formed the basis of the Novgorod export to Western Europe.
Novgorod merchants acted as trading agents of the boyars. Novgorod traded not only in what was produced in its lands, but also conducted intermediary trade. Foreign merchants could not trade with each other in Novgorod, but were obliged to sell their goods only to Novgorodians. The most important trading partners of Novgorod were the North German ( Hanseatic) cities, especially Lübeck, as well as Swedish merchants from the island of Gotland. In Novgorod there were Hanseatic and Gotland trading yards. Novgorod imported fabrics, metal products, luxury goods, as well as raw materials for handicraft production (in the Novgorod land itself, only wood and building stone were in abundance). Since the exported goods belonged to the boyars, they also owned the imported raw materials. The boyars supplied them to artisans. Novgorod craft reached an exceptionally high level of development. Artisans depended on the boyars, worked for them, the yards of artisans were often located on the land that belonged to the boyars. The wealth and power of the boyars was based, therefore, on land ownership and trade.
Political arrangement of Novgorod. Novgorod sharply differed from all other Russian lands in its political structure.
posadnik | |
thousand | |
archbishop | |
prince |
White hood of the Novgorod Archbishop Vasily. Ethnographic sketches by Fyodor Solntsev
Power in Novgorod belonged to the veche. Modern data indicate that it consisted of 300-500 human representing 30-40 noble families of the city. Apparently, the boyars and, perhaps, some of the richest merchants were present at the veche. The veche elected a posadnik, who managed the city economy, and a thousand, who was in charge of collecting taxes. The city was divided into 10 taxable"hundreds", which were controlled by the Sots, who were subordinate to the thousand. Previously, it was believed that Tysyatsky led the Novgorod militia - "thousand". One of the boyars always became the posadnik. Tysyatsky was originally a representative of the merchant class, but in the XIII-XIV centuries. and this position passed into the hands of the boyars. At the disposal of the posadnik and the thousandth was a whole staff of subordinates, with the help of which they carried out administration and court. They announced the decision of the council, informed the court about the commission of a crime, summoned to court, produced search, etc. However, the first place among elected officials was occupied by the bishop, who received in 1165 rank of archbishop. He got out at the veche, and then he was approved by the Kyiv metropolitan. The archbishop (together with the mayor) sealed the international treaties of Novgorod with his seal, represented Novgorodians; in negotiations with the Russian princes. He even had his own regiment. The ordinary population of Novgorod took part only in the Konchan and Ulitchan veche, electing the elders of the ends and streets (streets). However, the boyars also often used the Konchan and Ulich veche for their own purposes, inciting the inhabitants of "their" end against rivals from other ends.
Veliky Novgorod (Novgorod Boyar Republic)
The prince played a largely formal role in the system of Novgorod administration. AT 1015 Yaroslav the Wise, who then reigned in Novgorod, in exchange for the support of its inhabitants in the struggle for Kyiv agreed to the lack of jurisdiction of the Novgorod boyars to the princely court. AT 1136 Novgorodians rebelled and expelled the prince Vsevolod(grandson of Monomakh). After that, Novgorod itself began to invite the prince, with whom the veche concluded a "row" - an agreement. A prince who violated the "row" could be expelled. The prince had no right to interfere in the affairs of the city self-government, to appoint and dismiss the posadnik and the thousandth, to buy land on the outskirts of the Novgorod territory. As a rule, Novgorodians invited princes from the most powerful princely family at that time. But Novgorod never tried to do without a prince at all. Prince, because he belonged to a single family Rurikovich, was symbol unity of Novgorod with the rest of Russia. Tribute was received in his name, for he was considered the supreme owner of the Novgorod land. He performed (together with the posadnik and the archbishop) the functions of an arbitrator. The prince could also lead the Novgorod army, but this function was secondary. Quite often minors reigned in Novgorod. The widespread idea of the Novgorod prince as a commander is explained by the influence of the image Alexander Nevsky. Political history of Novgorod in the XII-XIII centuries. had an intricate weave fight for independence from anti-feudal speeches folk the masses and the struggle for power m. boyar factions(representing the boyar families of the Trade and Sofia sides cities, its ends and streets). The entire population of Novgorod was divided into "better people" and "smaller ( black) of people".
In the XIII-XIV centuries. there were about 50 uprisings of "black" people against the "best". Sometimes two vechas gathered: on the trading side and at Sophia Cathedral. Anti-feudal speeches of the city the poor boyars often used to remove their rivals from power, dulling the anti-feudal nature of these speeches by reprisals against individual boyars or officials. The largest anti-feudal movement there was an uprising 1207 against the posadnik Dmitry Miroshkinich and his relatives, who burdened the city people and peasants arbitrary fees and usurious bondage. The rebels defeated the city estates and the villages of Miroshkinich seized their debt bondage. The boyars, hostile to the Miroshkinichs, took advantage of the uprising to eliminate them from authorities. Novgorod held an active foreign politics. His contract is known 1191 with the Goth Coast (Gotland Island on Baltic), as well as an agreement with German cities on peace, embassy, trade relations and court 1192 . In the XIII century. seceded from Novgorod Pskov, but even after that, when the Novgorod republic became part of the Moscow states, then the territory of the latter has doubled. The annexation of Novgorod so strengthened Moscow that in the same (1192) year she refused to pay tribute Mongolian Tatars. Evolution republican statehood was accompanied by the extinction of the role of the city council. At the same time, the importance of the city boyar council grew. Republican statehood has undergone changes from relative democracy to frank oligarchic system reign to the 15th century. In the XIII century. a council was formed of representatives from the five ends of Novgorod, from which the posadniks were selected. In the beginning of the XV century. decisions of the veche were almost entirely prepared by the council. Novgorod boyars against interests the townspeople were prevented from joining Moscow. 15 JAN 1478 Novgorod submitted to Moscow.
Thus, Novgorod was ruled elective authorities representing the top of the population. It is on this basis that Novgorod is considered an aristocratic republic.
Aristocracy Archbishop Balta Blaga Boyars Veche Vladimir-Suzdal Principality (Zalessky land, Zalesky region) Power State power Political power Eastern Slavs Patronage Hansa Cities of the Eastern Slavs
Causes and consequences of feudal fragmentation.
I. Periods of development of the feudal state:
1. Early feudal state.
2. Feudal fragmentation.
II. Feudal fragmentation- a natural stage in the development of the feudal state, the process of fragmenting the state into small parts with the weak power of the Grand Duke.
III. Reasons for F.R.
1097 1132
1. Remains of tribal isolation. 1. Development of feudal relations:
2. The struggle of the princes for the best principalities, the formation of the princely-boyar
and territories. land ownership - the seizure of communal lands,
3. The dominance of natural economy - the organization of the apparatus of coercion
isolation, self-sufficiency, independence from the center
weak economic ties. 2. Strengthening the economic and
the political power of the cities
centers of independent principalities.
3. Weakening of Kyiv (non-payment of tribute by cities,
raids of nomads, the decline of trade along the Dnieper).
4. Elimination of external danger (?)
IV. F.R. Consequences:
Positive Consequences | Negative Consequences |
1. The cessation of the princes' movements in search of a richer and more honorable throne, the specific princes ceased to perceive their cities as temporary inheritances, strengthening individual principalities; the growth and strengthening of cities. 2. Economic and cultural upsurge: * development of agriculture, crafts, development of domestic trade * construction, laying roads * local annals ... 3. Preservation of ethnic unity: * single language, * Orthodox religion, * legislation - Russian Truth, * national consciousness of unity. | 1. Weak central government. 2. Weakening of the defense capability of Russia - vulnerability to external enemies. 3. Continued strife and strife between the princes. 4. The fragmentation of individual principalities into smaller parts between the heirs. 5. Conflicts between princes and boyars. |
V. Struggle for power between princes and boyars.
Boyars Prince Veche
Descendants of the tribal nobility, Formerly the supreme body of the city
senior warriors, ruler of the state, self-government,
large landowners. now - the ruler of the people's assembly.
Boyar Duma- the council of the boyars of the principality.
with the prince.
4. Support - service people (for service - land, nobility).Prerequisites for political fragmentation in Russia:
1.Social:
a) The social structure of Russian society has become more complex, its strata in individual lands and cities have become more defined: boyars, clergy, merchants, artisans, the bottom of the city, including serfs. Developed dependence on the landowners of rural residents. All this new Russia no longer needed the former early medieval centralization. For the new structure of the economy, other than before, the scale of the state was needed. Huge Russia, with its very superficial political cohesion, necessary primarily for defense against an external enemy, for organizing long-range campaigns of conquest, now no longer corresponded to the needs of large cities with their extensive feudal hierarchy, developed trade-handicraft layers, needs estates who seek to have power close to their interests - and not in Kyiv, and not even in the form of a Kyiv governor, but their own, here, on the spot, which could fully and decisively defend their interests.
b) The transition to arable farming contributed to the settled way of life of the rural population and increased the desire vigilantes to land ownership. Therefore, the transformation of combatants into landowners began (on the basis of princely awards). The squad became less mobile. The warriors were now interested in a permanent stay near their estates and strove for political independence.
In this regard, in the 12-13 centuries. the system of immunities became widespread - a system that frees boyars- landowners from princely administration and court and gave them the right to independent action in their possessions.
That is, the main reason for fragmentation was the natural process of the emergence of private land ownership and subsidence squads to the ground.
2. Economic:
Gradually, individual estates become stronger and begin to produce all products only for their own consumption, and not for the market ( natural economy). Commodity exchange between individual economic units practically ceases. Those. folding system subsistence farming contributes to the isolation of individual economic units.
3. Political:
The main role in the collapse of the state was played by the local boyars; local princes did not want to share their income with Great Kyiv prince, and in this they were actively supported by the local boyars, who needed a strong princely power in the field.
4. foreign policy:
Weakening Byzantium because of the attacks Normans and the Seljuks reduced trade on "the route from the Varangians to the Greeks". Crusader campaigns opened a more direct route of communication between Asia and Europe through the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. Trade routes moved to central Europe. Russia lost the status of a world trade intermediary and the factor that united Slavic tribes. This completed the collapse of the unified state and contributed to the movement of the political center from the southwest to the northeast in Vladimir-Suzdal earth.
Kyiv is away from the main trade routes. The most active start to trade: Novgorod with Europe and German cities; Galicia (it's safer here) - with northern Italian cities; Kyiv is turning into an outpost of the fight against Cumans. The population moves to safer places: northeast ( Vladimir-Suzdal Principality and southwest ( Galicia-Volyn principality)
Consequences of political fragmentation.
1. In the conditions of the formation of new economic regions and the formation of new political entities, there was a steady development peasant economy, new arable lands were developed, there was an expansion and quantitative multiplication of estates, which for their time became the most progressive form of farming, although this happened due to the labor of a dependent peasant population.
2. Gained strength within the principality-states Russian church which had a profound effect on culture.
3. The political collapse of Russia has never been complete:
a) The power of the great Kyiv princes, albeit sometimes illusory, but existed. The Kiev principality, although formally, cemented all of Russia
b) The all-Russian church retained its influence. Kyiv metropolitans led the entire church organization. The church opposed civil strife, and the oath on the cross was one of the forms of peace agreements between warring princes.
c) A counterbalance to the final disintegration was the constantly existing external danger to the Russian lands from Cumans, respectively, the Kyiv prince acted as a defender of Russia.
4. However, fragmentation contributed to the decline of the military power of the Russian lands. This was most painfully affected in the 13th century, during the period Mongol-Tatar invasion.
The first reason for feudal fragmentation was the growth of boyar estates, the number of smerds dependent on them. XII - the beginning of the XIII century were characterized by the further development of boyar land ownership in various principalities of Russia. The boyars expanded their possession by seizing the lands of free community smerds, enslaving them, buying lands. In an effort to get a larger surplus product, they increased the quitrent in kind and the working off, which was carried out by dependent smerds. The increase in the surplus product received by the boyars as a result of this made them economically powerful and independent. In various lands of Russia, economically powerful boyar corporations began to take shape, striving to become sovereign masters of the lands where their estates were located. They wanted to judge their peasants themselves, to receive vira fines from them. Many boyars had feudal immunity (the right of non-interference in the affairs of the patrimony), Russkaya Pravda determined the rights of the boyars. However, the Grand Duke (and such is the nature of princely power) sought to retain full power in his hands. He intervened in the affairs of the boyar estates, sought to retain the right to judge the peasants and receive vir from them in all the lands of Russia.
The Grand Duke, considered the supreme owner of all the lands of Russia, and their supreme ruler, continued to consider all the princes and boyars as his service people, and therefore forced them to participate in the numerous campaigns he organized. These campaigns often did not coincide with the interests of the boyars, tearing them away from their estates. The boyars began to be burdened by the service of the Grand Duke, sought to elude her, which led to numerous conflicts. The contradictions between the local boyars and the great prince of Kyiv led to an intensification of the desire of the former for political independence. The boyars were also driven to this by the need for their close princely power, which could quickly implement the norms of Russkaya Pravda, since the strength of the grand-princely virniks, governors, combatants could not provide quick real help to the boyars of the lands remote from Kyiv. The strong power of the local prince was also necessary for the boyars in connection with the growing resistance of the townspeople, smerds, the seizure of their lands, enslavement, and an increase in requisitions. The consequence of this was the growth of clashes between smerds and townspeople with the boyars.
The need for local princely power, the creation of a state apparatus forced the local boyars to invite the prince and his retinue to their lands. But, inviting the prince, the boyars were inclined to see in him only a police and military force, not interfering in boyar affairs. Such an invitation was also beneficial for the princes and squad. The prince received a permanent reign, his land estate, stopped rushing from one princely table to another. The squad was also satisfied, which was also tired of following from table to table with the prince. Princes and warriors had the opportunity to receive a stable rent-tax. At the same time, the prince, having settled in one land or another, as a rule, was not satisfied with the role assigned to him by the boyars, but sought to concentrate all power in his hands, limiting the rights and privileges of the boyars. This inevitably led to a struggle between the prince and the boyars.
The growth and strengthening of cities as new political and cultural centers
During the period of feudal fragmentation, the number of cities in the Russian lands reached 224. Their economic and political role increased as the centers of a particular land. It was on the cities that the local boyars and the prince relied in the struggle against the great Kievan prince. The growing role of the boyars and local princes led to the revival of city veche assemblies. Veche, a peculiar form of feudal democracy, was a political body. In fact, it was in the hands of the boyars, which excluded the real decisive participation in the management of ordinary citizens. The boyars, controlling the veche, tried to use the political activity of the townspeople in their own interests. Very often, the veche was used as an instrument of pressure not only on the great, but also on the local prince, forcing him to act in the interests of the local nobility. Thus, cities, as local political and economic centers, gravitating towards their lands, were the stronghold of the decentralization aspirations of local princes and nobility.
First strife.
After the death of Vladimir Svyatoslavovich in 1015, a long war began between his numerous sons, who ruled over separate parts of Russia. The instigator of the strife was Svyatopolk the Accursed, who killed his brothers Boris and Gleb. In internecine wars, princes - brothers brought to Russia either the Pechenegs, or the Poles, or the mercenary detachments of the Varangians. In the end, the winner was Yaroslav the Wise, who divided Russia (along the Dnieper) with his brother Mstislav of Tmutarakan from 1024 to 1036, and then, after the death of Mstislav, became "autocratic".
After the death of Yaroslav the Wise in 1054, a significant number of sons, relatives and cousins of the Grand Duke ended up in Russia.
Each of them had one or another "fatherland", his own domain, and each, to the best of his ability, sought to increase the domain or exchange it for a richer one. This created a tense situation in all princely centers and in Kyiv itself. Researchers sometimes call the time after the death of Yaroslav the time of feudal fragmentation, but this cannot be considered correct, since real feudal fragmentation occurs when individual lands crystallize, large cities grow up to head these lands, when each sovereign principality consolidates its own princely dynasty. All this appeared in Russia only after 1132, and in the second half of the 11th century. everything was changeable, fragile and unstable. Princely strife ruined the people and the squad, shook the Russian state, but did not introduce any new political form.
In the last quarter of the XI century. in the difficult conditions of an internal crisis and the constant threat of external danger from the side of the Polovtsian khans, princely strife acquired the character of a national disaster. The Grand Duke's throne became the object of contention: Svyatoslav Yaroslavich expelled his older brother Izyaslav from Kyiv, "initiating the expulsion of the brothers."
The strife became especially terrible after the son of Svyatoslav Oleg entered into allied relations with the Polovtsians and repeatedly brought the Polovtsian hordes to Russia for a self-serving decision between princely strife.
Oleg's enemy was the young Vladimir Vsevolodovich Monomakh, who reigned in the border Pereyaslavl. Monomakh managed to convene a princely congress in Lyubech in 1097, the task of which was to secure the "fatherland" for the princes, condemn the instigator of the strife Oleg and, if possible, eliminate future strife in order to resist the Polovtsy with united forces.
However, the princes were powerless to establish order not only in the entire Russian land, but even within their princely circle of relatives and cousins and nephews. Immediately after the congress, a new strife broke out in Lyubech, which lasted for several years. The only force that, under those conditions, could really stop the rotation of the princes and the princely squabbles was the boyars - the main composition of the then young and progressive feudal class. Boyar program at the end of the 11th and beginning of the 12th centuries. consisted in limiting princely arbitrariness and excesses of princely officials, in eliminating strife and in the general defense of Russia from the Polovtsians. Coinciding in these points with the aspirations of the townspeople, this program reflected the interests of the whole people and was undeniably progressive.
In 1093, after the death of Vsevolod Yaroslavich, the people of Kiev invited the insignificant Turov prince Svyatopolk to the throne, but they miscalculated significantly, as he turned out to be a bad commander and a greedy ruler.
Svyatopolk died in 1113; his death was the signal for a widespread uprising in Kyiv. The people attacked the courts of princely stewards and usurers. The Kiev boyars, bypassing the princely seniority, chose Vladimir Monomakh as Grand Duke, who successfully reigned until his death in 1125. After him, the unity of Russia was still maintained under his son Mstislav (1125-1132), and then, according to the chronicler, Russian land" into separate independent principalities.
Essence
The loss of the state unity of Russia weakened and divided its forces in the face of the growing threat of foreign aggression and, above all, the steppe nomads. All this predetermined the gradual decline of the Kyiv land from the 13th century. For some time, under Monamakh and Mstislav, Kyiv rose again. These princes were able to repulse the Polovtsian nomads.
Russia broke up into 14 principalities, a republican form of government was established in Novgorod. In each principality, the princes, together with the boyars, "thought about the land system and the military." The princes declared wars, concluded peace and various alliances. The Grand Duke was the first (senior) among equal princes. Princely congresses have been preserved, where questions of all-Russian politics were discussed. The princes were bound by a system of vassal relations. It should be noted that for all the progressiveness of feudal fragmentation, it had one significant negative point. Constant strife between the princes, now subsiding, now flaring up with renewed vigor, exhausted the strength of the Russian lands, weakened their defenses in the face of external danger. The collapse of Russia did not lead, however, to the collapse of the ancient Russian nationality, the historically established linguistic, territorial, economic and cultural community. In the Russian lands, a single concept of Russia, the Russian land, continued to exist. "Oh, Russian land, you are already over the hill!" - proclaimed the author of "The Tale of Igor's Campaign" During the period of feudal fragmentation, three centers emerged in the Russian lands: the Vladimir-Suzdal, Galicia-Volyn principalities and the Novgorod feudal republic.
The power of the prince
Princely power.
In the political system of the Russian lands and principalities, there were local features due to differences in the level and pace of development of the productive forces, feudal land ownership, and the maturity of feudal production relations. In some lands, the princely power, as a result of a stubborn struggle that continued with varying success, was able to subjugate the local nobility and strengthen itself. In the Novgorod land, on the contrary, a feudal republic was established, in which the princely power lost the role of the head of state and began to play a subordinate, mainly military service role.
With the triumph of feudal fragmentation, the all-Russian significance of the power of the Kievan great princes was gradually reduced to a nominal "seniority" among other princes. Linked to each other by a complex system of suzerainty and vassalage (due to the complex hierarchical structure of land ownership), the rulers and the feudal nobility of the principalities, for all their local independence, were forced to recognize the seniority of the strongest of their midst, who united their efforts to resolve issues that could not be resolved by the forces of one principality or affected the interests of a number of principalities.
Already from the second half of the XII century, the strongest principalities were distinguished, the rulers of which became "great", "oldest" in their lands, representing in them the top of the entire feudal hierarchy, the supreme head, without whom the vassals could not do and in relation to which they were simultaneously in a state of constant rebellion.
political centers.
Until the middle of the 12th century, the prince of Kyiv was such a head in the feudal hierarchy on the scale of all Russia. From the second half of the XII century. his role passed to the local grand dukes, who, in the eyes of contemporaries, as the "oldest" princes, were responsible for the historical fate of Russia (the idea of \u200b\u200bthe ethnic-state unity of which continued to be preserved).
At the end of the XII - beginning of the XIII century. three main political centers were defined in Russia, each of which had a decisive influence on the political life in their neighboring lands and principalities: for North-Eastern and Western (and also to a large extent for North-Western and Southern) Russia - the Vladimir-Suzdal Principality ; for Southern and South-Western Russia - the Galicia-Volyn principality; for North-Western Russia - the Novgorod feudal republic.
In the conditions of feudal fragmentation, the role of all-Russian and land congresses (diets) of princes and vassals sharply increased, at which issues of inter-princely relations were considered and appropriate agreements were concluded, issues of organizing the fight against the Polovtsy and holding other joint events were discussed. But the attempts of the princes by convening such congresses to mitigate the most negative consequences of the loss of the state unity of Russia, to link their local interests with the problems of an all-Russian (or all-land) scale that confronted them, ultimately failed because of the incessant strife between them.
Vassals and overlords
The authorities in the Galicia-Volyn principality were the prince, the boyar council and the veche, but their role in the life of the state was somewhat different than in Kievan Rus.
The prince, who stood at the head of the state, formally belonged to the supreme power. He had the right to adopt legislative acts, had the right of the highest court, exercised the central administration of the state. The prince issued letters on the transfer of inheritance, on the allocation of land to his vassals, cross-kissing letters, letters of awarding positions, etc. But this legislative creativity was not comprehensive, and besides, the legislative power of the princes was often not recognized by the boyars. The prince had the supreme judicial power, although he could not always exercise it. If the prince sought an appropriate agreement with the boyars, the judicial power was completely concentrated in his hands. In case of disagreement, the judicial power actually passed to the boyar aristocracy.
The vassals of the prince, along with the position, received the right to judge within the limits of their possession. In the boyar estates, all judicial powers were in the hands of the boyars. And although princely judicial bodies were established locally, where the prince sent his tiuns, they could not resist the judicial power of the boyars.
The prince headed a military organization, taxes were collected through persons authorized by him, coins were minted, and foreign policy relations with other countries were managed.
Relying on military force, the prince sought to maintain his supremacy in the field of public administration. He appointed officials (thousands, governors, posadniks) in the cities and volosts of his domain, endowing them with land holdings under the condition of service. He also sought to streamline the financial and administrative system, since at that time there was still no distinction between state and princely incomes.
The main form of government in the Galicia-Volyn land was an early feudal monarchy, but there was also such a form of government as a duumvirate. So, from 1245 until the death of Daniel of Galicia, he ruled together with his brother Vasilko, who owned most of Volhynia. At the end of the 13th century, it became possible to establish a duumvirate of Leo (Galitsky) and Vladimir (Volynsky), but discord between them did not allow this to be realized. The sons of Prince Yuri - Andrei and Lev - jointly acted in foreign policy issues. In the charter of 1316, they call themselves "the princes of all Russia, Galicia and Volodymyriya." The authority of the grand dukes was supported by royal titles, which they were called by the Pope and the rulers of European states.
However, the grand dukes failed to concentrate all state power in their hands. In this matter, they were hindered by wealthy boyars, especially Galician. The Grand Duke was forced to allow the boyars to rule the state. And although the Grand Duke in some periods was an unlimited ruler, in fact he depended on the boyar aristocracy, which tried in every way to limit his power.
Some princes waged a decisive struggle against the seditious boyars. So, Daniil Galitsky even used punitive actions against such boyars: he executed many, confiscated lands from many, which he distributed to the new, serving boyars.
However, the boyar aristocracy supported the power of the Grand Duke, since he was the spokesman for its social interests, the defender of its land holdings. In certain periods of Galicia-Volyn Rus, the importance of princely power was so reduced that the princes could not take a single step without the consent of the boyars. All this makes it possible to conclude that in the Galicia-Volyn land there was such a form of government as a monarchy, limited by the influence of the aristocratic boyars.
Boyar Council as a permanent state institution, it operated in the Galicia-Volyn principality already in the first half of the 14th century. It consisted of wealthy landowning boyars, mainly representatives of the boyar aristocracy, a Galician bishop, a judge of the princely court, some governors and governors. The boyar council met on the initiative of the boyars themselves, but sometimes at the request of the prince. But the prince had no right to convene the Boyar Council against the will of the boyars. The Council was headed by the most influential boyars, who tried to regulate the activities of the Grand Duke. And during the period of the principality of Yuri Boleslav, the boyar oligarchy became so strong that the most important state documents were signed by the Grand Duke only together with the boyars. In some periods, all power in the principality belonged to the boyars. So, in Galicia, during the reign of the juvenile Daniel of Galicia, the boyar Vladislav Kormilchich “reigned”. And from 1340 to 1349, the state was ruled by Dmitry Detko, also a representative of the boyar aristocracy.
Not being formally the highest authority, the boyar council actually ruled the principality until the 14th century. Since the XIV century, it has become an official authority, without the consent of which the prince could not issue a single act of state. The Boyar Council, recognizing the power of the prince, actually limited it. It was this body that the Galician boyars used in the struggle against the strengthening of princely power, for the preservation of their privileges. In fact, the administrative, military and judicial power was concentrated in the hands of the boyars. The chronicler speaks of this as follows: “I call myself princes, but I myself hold the whole land.”
Veche. As in other lands of Russia, the veche acted in the Galicia-Volyn principality, but it did not have a great influence on political life here, it did not have a clearly defined competence and work regulations. Most often, the veche was collected by the prince. So, Daniil Galitsky, during the struggle for Galicia, convened a veche in Galich and asked if he could count on the help of the population. Sometimes veche gathered spontaneously. This was in those cases when the Galicia-Volyn land was in danger from external enemies.
developed central and local government in the Galicia-Volyn land developed earlier than in other lands of Russia. It was a system of palace and patrimonial administration. Here, the process of formation of palace ranks is faster. The chronicles preserved the news about the ranks of the court chancellor and stolnik.
The central figure among these ranks was the court-sky. He ruled the princely court and was at the head of the administrative apparatus, first of all, the economy of the princely domain. On behalf of the prince, the court often carried out legal proceedings, was a "judge of the princely court" and, in this capacity, was a member of the Boyar Council. His duties also included accompanying the prince during his trips outside the principality.
Among other ranks, the chronicles mention the chancellor (printer). He was responsible for the princely press, wrote the texts of letters or supervised the work on their compilation, certified princely documents. He also kept princely charters and other state documents of great importance, and was responsible for their delivery to the localities. Some sources testify that the chancellor was in charge of the prince's office.
Among the ranks of the Galicia-Volyn principality, the chronicles name the steward, who was responsible for the timely receipt of income from the princely land holdings. The chronicles also remember the gunsmith who was in charge of the prince's army, the youths who accompanied the prince on military campaigns, and some other ranks.
In the Galicia-Volyn land, there was a fairly developed system of local government. The cities were ruled by thousands and posadniks, who were appointed by the prince. Administrative, military and judicial power was concentrated in their hands. They had the right to collect tribute and various taxes from the population, which constituted an important part of the princely income.
The territory of the Galicia-Volyn principality was subdivided into voivodeships with governors at the head, and those, in turn, into volosts, which were managed by volosts. Both the governor and the volosts were appointed by the prince. Within their competence, they had administrative, military and judicial powers.
Thousands, posadniks, governors and volostels had at their disposal auxiliary administrative staff, on which they relied in the performance of their duties in managing the subject territory. Local government was built according to the "feeding" system. In rural communities, management was carried out by elected elders, who were completely subordinate to the local princely administration.
Consequently, in the Galicia-Volyn principality there was a developed system of central and local government, which reliably performed its functions.